The recent controversy over Ayaan Hirsi Ali's speech at Yale reminded me of a review I published back in 2011 of Paul Berman's book The Flight of the Intellectuals. I'm posting the review here:
Two
criticisms lie at the heart of Paul Berman’s The Flight of the Intellectuals.
First, Berman criticizes the work of prominent Muslim philosopher Tariq
Ramadan. Second, he criticizes the generally favorable reception of Ramadan by
the non-Western press. Throughout the book, Berman tends to move back and forth
between these two issues. He clearly regards Ramadan as an attractive but
troubling figure. Ramadan, according to Berman, rose to public prominence in
1993 during controversy over the performance in Geneva of a play about the
Prophet Mohammad written by Voltaire. Since then, Berman maintains, Ramadan has
managed to present himself as a moderate reformer to non-Muslims while
retaining support among many Muslims from a range of ideological perspectives.
Berman’s main objection to Ramadan is that the philosopher maintains a highly flexible
program, supporting moderation or radicalism depending on the audience. Berman
sees the central event in the reception of Ramadan by non-Muslim intellectuals
as an article by Ian Buruma, published in the February 4, 2007, issue of The
New York Times Magazine.
The
British-Dutch author Buruma had recently published a book on the murder of
Dutch filmmaker Theo van Gogh by an Islamic radical incensed by a short film
Van Gogh had made about the treatment of women in Islam. Despite this
background, Buruma treated Ramadan too favorably in the magazine article, in
Berman’s view. The magazine did present Ramadan as a complex individual,
combining a leftist perspective on issues such as globalization with social
conservatism. Still, Buruma found Ramadan to be a sympathetic and moderate
spokesman for Islam. Berman asks whether Ramadan is really a moderate, though.
If he is not, then Berman wants to consider why Buruma and other intellectuals
are so eager to see the Swiss-Egyptian thinker in this way.
The investigation
into Ramadan’s supposed moderation leads Berman to Ramadan’s maternal
grandfather, Ḥasan al-Bannā՚. He was the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, an
organization long at odds with the Egyptian government and one of the most
influential groups in the rise of Islam as a modern social movement. Ramadan
wrote his doctoral dissertation and a later book on the reformism of al-Bannā՚. In
these works, he portrays his grandfather as a champion of anticolonialism and
as the humane, visionary leader of a social-reform movement. Ramadan also
treats other leading figures of the Muslim Brotherhood, most notably Sayyid
Qụtb, a Muslim writer who became an intellectual inspiration for the radicals
of al-Qaeda. In Ramadan’s version, Qụtb is also much more moderate than
generally portrayed and has been misinterpreted by Osama bin Laden and his
followers.
Berman
argues that Ramadan’s presentation of al-Bannā՚ and other prominent
Muslim leaders is inaccurate and plays to European and American wishes for a
moderate Islam. Berman points out actions and statements made by al-Bannā՚ that
were utterly inconsistent with Western ideas of liberal democracy and that many
of the influences on Ramadan, including al-Bannā՚, have held political
values and ideals dramatically at variance with those generally accepted in
North America and Europe. In questioning the implications of Ramadan’s
intellectual heritage, Berman considers the connections between al-Bannā՚ and
Palestinian leader Haj Amin al-Husseini. This last individual opposed Jewish
settlement in Palestine, as well as British colonial policy in the area, and
allied himself with Nazi Germany. This alliance was not simply tactical, but
shared an anti-Jewish ideology with the Nazis. Al-Husseini collaborated in
forming troops under the Nazis and in encouraging the mass killing of Jews.
Even apart
from a misleading reinterpretation of his own intellectual background, Ramadan
has offered questionable views on current international events according to
Berman. In his responses to allegations of the mistreatment of women and the
denial of women’s rights under Islamic law he has failed to take any definite
moral positions. His criticisms of the defenders of Israel have unreasonably
dismissed anti-Jewish prejudices, in Berman’s view, and he has been too ready
to accuse those defenders of raising anti-Judaism as a false issue. Ramadan’s
views of Israel are especially troubling to the author. These views are almost
uniformly negative and they tend to lay all responsibility for problems of terrorism
and violence in the region at Israel’s door. Ramadan does express disapproval
of Palestinian bombings and acts of violence. However, he describes these types
of actions as those of an oppressed people who have no other way to strike back
at their oppressor. Thus, even when Palestinians kill Israeli civilians the
killings have ultimately been produced by Israeli state terror.
The flight
referred to in the title of the book is one from the clear position on
terrorism of intellectuals in an earlier time. When the Iranian religious
authorities issued a death sentence against author Salman Rushdie, Western
intellectuals largely rallied to Rushdie’s defense, according to Berman. Later,
however, the support for Ramadan by Buruma and others represents desperate
efforts to come to terms with radical Islam by looking for someone who can
present radical ideas in a mild and moderate form. Berman contrasts the support
for Ramadan with the hostility of many intellectuals for the writer and
activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who is in some respects a version of Rushdie. Hirsi
Ali, the daughter of a prominent Somali political opposition leader, fled to
the Netherlands in 1992 to avoid being forced into an arranged marriage. There,
she became a prominent feminist and an outspoken critic of Islam and of the
treatment of women within Muslim cultures. Hirsi Ali began receiving death
threats for her statements of her views. She worked with Dutch filmmaker Van
Gogh on the controversial film Submission, which condemned what Hirsi
Ali and Van Gogh saw as the oppressed status of women within Islam.
On November
2, 2004, the Moroccan-Dutch Muslim Mohammed Bouyeri murdered Van Gogh and stuck
a letter to the filmmaker’s body with a knife. The letter was addressed to
Hirsi Ali and threatened her and other supposed enemies of Islam. Since then,
Hirsi Ali has had to live under constant guard. Her situation became worse when
the Dutch government threatened to take away her citizenship on the grounds
that she had given false information when she first applied for asylum.
Although she retained her Dutch passport, she left the country for the United
States.
Despite
Buruma’s book on the Van Gogh assassination, Buruma has been consistently
unsympathetic toward Hirsi Ali, even while he has portrayed Ramadan in a highly
favorable light. Buruma’s fellow intellectual, the political writer Timothy
Garton Ash, joined Buruma in a series of disparaging statements about the
Somali-born feminist. In Berman’s view, the persecution of Hirsi Ali has been a
clear case of a public figure threatened with death for exercising the right to
freedom of thought and freedom of speech. Therefore, Berman believes that all
supporters of liberal democratic values should support her, whether they agree
with her views on Islam and feminism or not. He argues that modern Western
intellectuals have fled to a relativistic multiculturalism.
In accepting
the differences of cultural and religious groups, writers such as Buruma have
concluded that they must not judge other cultures in universal moral terms.
Individuals such as Ramadan, who offer the appearance of moderation, give
Buruma and his colleagues a way of avoiding the aspects of Islam that may
contradict liberal democracy. Hirsi Ali, on the other hand, presents them with
a stark choice: They can either support her and the right to free speech or
they can oppose her and abandon liberal democratic values. They avoid doing
this, in Berman’s opinion, by describing Hirsi Ali as too strident or too
outspoken about her own ideas. In this way, the supposed enemy of Islam becomes
the opponent of the intellectuals who are reluctant to criticize Islam.
The
Flight of the Intellectuals is clearly a polarizing book and one that will evoke both strong agreement
and intense disagreement from readers. This response may depend largely on the
preexisting views of readers on relations among cultures and world religions.
The book sometimes comes across as a ramble, moving from meditations on Ramadan
to more general thoughts on the roots of Islamic radicalism to criticisms of
the responses of Western intellectuals. It therefore often falls short of a
completely coherent organization or a clear line of argument. In his objections
to Ramadan, Berman may obscure the very real differences between this philosopher
and more radical advocates of a militant Islam. If there are genuine
distinctions between Ramadan and exponents of European and American liberal
democracy, there are also distinctions between Ramadan and various other Muslim
thinkers and activists. Ramadan’s ambiguity is not necessarily a result of
being two-faced or of showing different sides of himself to different audiences
but could be the consequence of attempts to tread carefully through sensitive
and complicated issues. Readers may also wonder at times whether Berman makes
too much out of the single 2007 article by Buruma and a few other published
pieces, since in several places Berman also refers to other intellectuals who
have been quite critical of Ramadan. Even if the reader accepts the argument that
Buruma has let his own reason become tainted by excessive multiculturalism, it
does not necessarily follow that this represents a more general flight from
liberal democratic principles by twenty-first century writers and thinkers.
While Berman
should be read critically, he makes valuable contributions. He brings the work
of Ramadan, an influential thinker about the direction of Islam and about the
relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, to wide public attention. He raises
the general question of the problematic relation between a religiously inspired
view of human society and secular political values, as well as the more
specific question about the consistency between modern Islam as it is practiced
and liberal democratic values. Perhaps most important, he causes the reader to
ask whether the eagerness to be open and tolerant toward religions and cultures
may have led to acceptance of intolerance and persecution. The failure of many
intellectuals to protest the persecution of Hirsi Ali and to defend her right
to free speech may strike readers as one of Berman’s most significant points.